Tuesday, June 26, 2012

Scalia Joins Barker in Dissent - Arizona et al v. United States



Scalia on Arizona et al v. United States

The United States is an indivisible “Union of sovereign States.” (Hinderlider v. La Plata River & Cherry Creek Ditch Co., 304 U. S. 92, 104 -- 1938)

Today’s opinion, approving virtually all of the Ninth Circuit’s injunction against enforcement of the four challenged provisions of Arizona’s law, deprives States of what most would consider the defining characteristic of sovereignty: the power to exclude from the sovereign’s territory people who have no right to be there.

Neither the Constitution itself nor even any law passed by Congress supports this result.

I dissent.

(*CLAP-CLAP-CLAP*)

As a sovereign, Arizona has the inherent power to exclude persons from its territory, subject only to those limitations expressed in the Constitution or constitutionally imposed by Congress.

That power to exclude has long been recognized as inherent in sovereignty. Emer de Vattel’s seminal 1758 treatise on the Law of Nations stated: “The sovereign may forbid the entrance of his territory either to foreigners in general, or in particular cases, or to certain persons, or for certain particular purposes, according as he may think it advantageous to the state. There is nothing in all this, that does not flow from the rights of domain and sovereignty: everyone is obliged to pay respect to the prohibition; and whoever dares violate it, incurs the penalty decreed to render it effectual.”

UNDERSTAND, FOLKS, THIS REALITY AS UNDERSTOOD BY OUR FOUNDERS.

UNDERSTAND, FOLKS, OUR FOUNDERS - AND OUR CONSTITUTION - ACKNOWLEDGED STATES AS SOVEREIGN WITHIN A FEDERAL UNION OF LIMITED POWERS. YES... ONE OF THOSE POWERS BEING THE AUTHORITY OF THE FEDERAL CONGRESS TO MAKE RULES "ESTABLISH(ING) AN UNIFORM RULE OF NATURALIZATION," BUT THEN THAT'S THE WHOLE POINT HERE, ISN'T IT - CONGRESS *HAS* ESTABLISHED SUCH LAWS AND THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH AND A MAJORITY OF MEMBERS OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES HAVE OPTED TO BYPASS THESE LAWS WHILE ARIZONA WAS ATTEMPTING TO SUPPORT THEM!

There is no doubt that “before the adoption of the constitution of the United States” each State had the authority to “prevent itself from being burdened by an influx of persons.” (Mayor of New York v. Miln, 11 Pet. 102, 132– 133 -- 1837) [T]he Constitution did not strip the States of that authority.

AGAIN... THE CONSTITUTION DID NOT STRIP THE STATES OF THAT AUTHORITY!

To the contrary, two of the Constitution’s provisions were designed to enable the States to prevent “the intrusion of obnoxious aliens through other States.”

FIRST SOME BACKGROUND...

The Articles of Confederation had provided that “the free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States.” Articles of Confederation, Art. IV. This meant that an unwelcome alien could obtain all the rights of a citizen of one State simply by first becoming an inhabitant of another.

NOW... READ ON...

To remedy this, the Constitution’s Privileges and Immunities Clause provided that “the Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.”

READ ON...

But if one State had particularly lax citizenship standards, it might still serve as a gateway for the entry of “obnoxious aliens” into other States.

This problem was solved “by authorizing the general government to establish a uniform rule of naturalization throughout the United States.”

In other words, the naturalization power was given to Congress not to abrogate States’ power to exclude those they did not want, but to vindicate it.

YES...!!!

Two other provisions of the Constitution are an acknowledgment of the States’ sovereign interest in protecting their borders.

Article I provides that “no State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it’s inspection Laws.” This assumed what everyone assumed: that the States could exclude from their territory dangerous or unwholesome goods.

A later portion of the same section provides that “no State shall, without the Consent of Congress, . . . engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.” This limits the States’ sovereignty (in a way not relevant here) but leaves intact their inherent power to protect their territory.

Notwithstanding “the myth of an era of unrestricted immigration” in the first 100 years of the Republic, the States enacted numerous laws restricting the immigration of certain classes of aliens, including convicted criminals, indigents, persons with contagious diseases, and (in Southern States) freed blacks. State laws not only provided for the removal of unwanted immigrants but also imposed penalties on unlawfully present aliens and those who aided their immigration. In fact, the controversy surrounding the Alien and Sedition Acts involved a debate over whether, under the Constitution, the States had exclusive authority to enact such immigration laws.

SCALIA GOES INTO MORE DETAIL, BUT YOU GET THE IDEA, FOLKS.

One would conclude from the foregoing that after the adoption of the Constitution there was some doubt about the power of the Federal Government to control immigration, but no doubt about the power of the States to do so. Since the founding era (though not immediately), doubt about the Federal Government’s power has disappeared.

BUT UNFORTUNATELY, IN ITS PLACE, THERE'S ARISEN DOUBT ABOUT THE STATES' POWERS. AS SCALIA SHOWS, THESE DOUBTS ARE UNFOUNDED AND HAVE THUS LED TO THE ARIZONA DECISION'S ASSAULT UPON THE CONSTITUTION!

In light of the predominance of federal immigration restrictions in modern times, it is easy to lose sight of the States’ traditional role in regulating immigration — and to overlook their sovereign prerogative to do so. I accept as a given that State regulation is excluded by the Constitution when (1) it has been prohibited by a valid federal law, or
(2) it conflicts with federal regulation — when, for example, it admits those whom federal regulation would exclude, or excludes those whom federal regulation would admit.

BUT THAT'S NOT THE CASE WITH ARIZONA'S LAW! IT'S JUST THE OPPOSITE...!!!

Possibility (1) need not be considered here: there is no federal law prohibiting the States’ sovereign power to exclude (assuming federal authority to enact such a law).

The mere existence of federal action in the immigration area — and the so-called field preemption arising from that action, upon which the Court’s opinion so heavily relies — cannot be regarded as such a prohibition.

We are not talking here about a federal law prohibiting the States from regulating bubble-gum advertising, or even the construction of nuclear plants. We are talking about a federal law going to the core of state sovereignty: the power to exclude.

Like elimination of the States’ other inherent sovereign power, immunity from suit, elimination of the States’ sovereign power to exclude requires that “Congress . . . unequivocally express its intent to abrogate.” Implicit “field preemption” will not do.

THIS IS WHAT I'VE BEEN SAYING ALL ALONG!

Nor can federal power over illegal immigration be deemed exclusive because of what the Court’s opinion solicitously calls “foreign countries’ concerns about the status, safety, and security of their nationals in the United States.”

The Constitution gives all those on our shores the protections of the Bill of Rights — but just as those rights are not expanded for foreign nationals because of their countries’ views (some countries, for example, have recently discovered the death penalty to be barbaric), neither are the fundamental sovereign powers of the States abridged to accommodate foreign countries’ views.

YES!

KEEP READING - THE FOLLOWING IS A KEY POINT:

Even in its international relations, the Federal Government must live with the inconvenient fact that it is a Union of independent States, who have their own sovereign powers. This is not the first time it has found that a nuisance and a bother in the conduct of foreign policy. Four years ago, for example, the Government importuned us to interfere with thoroughly constitutional state judicial procedures in the criminal trial of foreign nationals because the international community, and even an opinion of the International Court of Justice, disapproved them. (See Medellín v. Texas, 552 U. S. 491 -- 2008) We rejected that request, as we should reject the Executive’s invocation of foreign-affairs considerations here.

Though it may upset foreign powers — and even when the Federal Government desperately wants to avoid upsetting foreign powers — the States have the right to protect their borders against foreign nationals, just as they have the right to execute foreign nationals for murder.

YES...!!!

What this case comes down to, then, is whether the Arizona law conflicts with federal immigration law — whether it excludes those whom federal law would admit, or admits those whom federal law would exclude.

It does not purport to do so.

It applies only to aliens who neither possess a privilege to be present under federal law nor have been removed pursuant to the Federal Government’s inherent authority.

(*NOD*)

Arizona is entitled to have “its own immigration policy” — including a more rigorous enforcement policy — so long as that does not conflict with federal law. The Court says, as though the point is utterly dispositive, that “it is not a crime for a removable alien to remain present in the United States.”

IN WHAT SENSE...? IF THE LAW IS BEING VIOLATED BY THE ILLEGAL PRESENCE IN OUR COUNTRY OF THE ILLEGAL ALIEN...

(*SCATCHING MY HEAD*)

It is not a federal crime, to be sure.

AGAIN... I DON'T GET IT. WE'VE GONE OVER THIS BEFORE. I'M SIMPLY NOT GETTING WHERE KENNEDY (OR APPARENTLY SCALIA) GETS THE NOTION THAT BEING HERE ILLEGALLY ISN'T A FEDERAL CRIME WHEN IT'S THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT WHICH MADE BEING HERE ILLEGALLY... er... ILLEGAL?

But there is no reason Arizona cannot make it a state crime for a removable alien (or any illegal alien, for that matter) to remain present in Arizona.

OK. I SUPPOSE THAT MAKES THE ABOVE POINT MOOT... BUT I STILL DON'T GET IT AND NONE OF MY LAWYER FRIENDS CAN EXPLAIN IT TO ME.

(*SHRUG*)

[Federal] statutory limitations upon the actions of federal officers in enforcing the United States’ power to protect its borders do not on their face apply to the actions of state officers in enforcing the State’s power to protect its borders.

[U]nless and until [illegal] aliens have been given the right to remain, Arizona is entitled to arrest them and at least bring them to federal officials’ attention, which is all that §6 necessarily entails. In my view, the State can go further than this, and punish them for their unlawful entry and presence in Arizona.

It is beyond question that a State may make violation of federal law a violation of state law as well. We have held that to be so even when the interest protected is a distinctively federal interest...

The brief for the Government in this case asserted that “the Executive Branch’s ability to exercise discretion and set priorities is particularly important because of the need to allocate scarce enforcement resources wisely.” Of course there is no reason why the Federal Executive’s need to allocate its scarce enforcement resources should disable Arizona from devoting its resources to illegal immigration in Arizona that in its view the Federal Executive has given short shrift.

(*CLAP-CLAP-CLAP*)

Must Arizona’s ability to protect its borders yield to the reality that Congress has provided inadequate funding for federal enforcement — or, even worse, to the Executive’s unwise targeting of that funding?

SURELY NOT! WHY THE VERY IDEA IS LAUGHABLE!

[T]o say, as the Court does, that Arizona contradicts federal law by enforcing applications of the Immigration Act that the President declines to enforce boggles the mind.

(*NOD*)

Are the sovereign States at the mercy of the Federal Executive’s refusal to enforce the Nation’s immigration laws?

APPARENTLY SO - THANKS TO JUSTICES GINSBURG, BREYER, SOTOMAYOR, KENNEDY, AND ROBERTS! YES... ROBERTS! I PREDICTED SUCH BEHAVIOR FROM ROBERTS WHEN HE WAS NOMINATED. YES... ROBERTS MAY BE "TO THE RIGHT" OF KENNEDY, BUT LIKE KENNEDY, ROBERTS HAS LITTLE RESPECT FOR THE FOUNDERS OR OUR CONSTITUTION AS WRITTEN AND UNDERSTOOD AT THE TIME OF ITS WRITING AND APPROVAL VIA THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS.

Are the sovereign States at the mercy of the Federal Executive’s refusal to enforce the Nation’s immigration laws? A good way of answering that question is to ask: Would the States conceivably have entered into the Union if the Constitution itself contained the Court’s holding?

[I]magine a provision — perhaps inserted right after Art. I, §8, cl. 4, the Naturalization Clause — which included among the enumerated powers of Congress “To establish Limitations upon Immigration that will be exclusive and that will be enforced only to the extent the President deems appropriate.” The delegates to the Grand Convention would have rushed to the exits.

(*NOD*)

Arizona bears the brunt of the country’s illegal immigration problem. Its citizens feel themselves under siege by large numbers of illegal immigrants who invade their property, strain their social services, and even place their lives in jeopardy. Federal officials have been unable to remedy the problem, and indeed have recently shown that they are unwilling to do so. Thousands of Arizona’s estimated 400,000 illegal immigrants — including not just children but men and women under 30 — are now assured immunity from enforcement, and will be able to compete openly with Arizona citizens for employment.

Arizona has moved to protect its sovereignty — not in contradiction of federal law, but in complete compliance with it.

The laws under challenge here do not extend or revise federal immigration restrictions, but merely enforce those restrictions more effectively.

If securing its territory in this fashion is not within the power of Arizona, we should cease referring to it as a sovereign State.  

I dissent.

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