"Manlius Capitolinus writing in JAG
* * *
Like the GOP contenders before her, Hillary Clinton
presents a mirror image to that of Donald Trump on the relationship between
consistency and flexibility on political matters.
On the core elements of the Agenda of American Greatness,
Trump has been remarkably consistent over the last thirty years, but he is
often flippant, rude and "unpresidential" outside that zone of
firmness. He has insulted politicians honorable and dishonorable and then
shifted back toward friendliness, yet he won't back down on building a wall
with Mexico or approaching trade negotiations with American interests in mind.
* GO, TRUMP!
Hillary by contrast conforms much more closely to the
image of the modern president. Stiff in her ambassadorial politesse, she has no
qualms at all about shifting her position on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and
the Obama Administration has no qualms in running cover for her. Serious on box-ticking
and shifty on policy, she meets common expectations about the unprincipled
character of modern politicians.
* EXACTLY...
* AND INSTEAD OF BEING DISGUSTED BY THIS... MANY
AMERICANS APPLAUD. FRANKLY... IT'S SICKENING. WE'VE BECOME "EUROPEANIZED."
Trump — serious on his core policy positions and shifty
on box-ticking — reverses the common expectation.
* BY "SHIFTY ON BOX-TICKING" THE AUTHOR IS
ACTUALLY NOTING THAT TRUMP HAS FIRM BELIEFS BUT NUANCED POSITIONS. IN OTHER
WORDS, THERE'S QUITE A BIT OF PRAGMATISM MIXED IN WITH PRINCIPLE. NOW... IN A
SANE WORLD ONE WOULD THINK SUCH AN APPROACH LAUDABLE... BUT AMERIKA 2016 (THE
AGE OF OBAMA) ISN'T EXACTLY A SANE WORLD.
(*SIGH*)
If the unexpectedly positive reaction to Trump in this
election cycle means anything, it means that our understanding of the
relationship between policy and rhetoric has been out of joint for a long time.
* LET'S HOPE SO! LET'S HOPE THAT THERE ARE AMERICANS OUT
THERE WHO UNDERSTAND THAT STRAIGHT TALK IS A VIRTUE - NOT A SIN!
Trump's often jarring rhetoric, painful to Beltway ears
and pleasant to the heartland, isn't or isn't simply the result of his
fifth-grade rhetorical level. It's the result of at least two generations of a
misconfiguration of politics and politesse. That is the configuration Trump has
disrupted.
(*NOD*)
But every age has the Rousseau it deserves. This time,
the American people are the Academy of Dijon to Trump's First Discourse. They
get what is serious, what to overlook. "We" — we analysts, JAG
excepted — do not.
* IT'S BEYOND THE MSM NOT "GETTING" WHAT TRUMP
IS SAYING; NOPE; IT'S THAT THEY DON'T WANNA "GET" IT! THEY'RE
GLOBALISTS. HE'S A NATIONALIST. HE'S AMERICA FIRST. THEY'RE... NOT.
Because Trump is serious about American greatness and
iffy on box-ticking, he presents the mirror image to our usual expectations of
policy "flexibility" in the context of Standard Discourse.
* EXACTLY! BECAUSE... MODERN "STANDARD
DISCOURSE" HAS BEEN REDUCED TO PABLUM - STYLE OVER SUBSTANCE. (AND
FRANKLY... I FIND THE "STYLE" ITSELF TO BE OFF-PUTTING. THE
ESTABLISHMENT'S STYLE IS "EUROPEAN." TRUMP'S STYLE... ALL-AMERICAN!)
Like the Republicans six months after Trump's debut last
summer, Hillary Clinton has just begun her direct dialectic with Trump. Along
with her, the media will repeat all their doubts and misidentifications just as
they did at the beginning of the Republican primaries. It's the general
election: everything old is new again! The pattern is fast becoming routine:
the political responses to Trump have followed the development of childhood
psychology outlined by Jacques Lacan, who drew inspiration from the JAG-beloved
Alexandre Kojève.
About six months after the introduction of Trump to the
Republican electoral cycle, Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz entered the mirror stage
in Trump criticism. Being conventional modern politicians near the beginning of
the eighteen-month journey to the American presidential election, they
exercised little control over their political motor functions. They had
everything they needed — the eyes, ears, fingers and toes of a modern
presidential campaign — while Trump had only a Twitter account and a telephone.
They presented themselves as men of Principled
Conservatism™, men of the Eternal Fifties of market liberalism and quaint,
male-female-child-child-back-yard-next-home-please suburbs. But it turned out
that that too was a jumble. The parts were never meant to stay unified forever.
To have a party, though, don't you need to have parts?
* BY THE WAY... JUST A SIDE COMMENT: I CERTAINLY DON'T
PUT CRUZ AND RUBIO IN THE SAME CAMP. CRUZ - FOR ALL HIS MANY FAULTS - IS THE
REAL DEAL. RUBIO ON THE OTHER HAND IS A SLICK SELF-INTERESTED POSEUR WHO CAN'T
BE TRUSTED ON PRINCIPLES. CRUZ AT LEAST CAN BE TRUSTED IN TERMS OF BASIC POLICY
AND CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE.
When they finally rubbed their eyes and looked into the mirror
of presidential politics, they saw something like themselves. Trump was
obviously a unity of some sort, though a gross one by any standard. When they
winked with their left eye, Trump was winking with his right, and when they
looked serious with their right eye, Trump was serious on the left. The mirror
image seemed more able than they expected to control his movements, in spite of
being a baby just like them — and so they reacted with hostility.
* AGAIN... TO BE ACCURATE... WHILE RUBIO (AND THAT PUTZ
RAND PAUL) WENT AFTER TRUMP AS AN OPPONENT FROM DAY ONE, CRUZ HAD THE BRAINS TO
SHOW APPROVAL FOR TRUMP'S POLICIES RELATING TO IMMIGRATION. IT WAS ONLY AFTER IT
BECAME A PERCEIVED THREE MAN RACE (RUBIO-CRUZ-TRUMP) THAT CRUZ STARTED GOING
AFTER TRUMP. (IT'S THE SLEAZY WAY HE WENT AFTER TRUMP THAT SUNK HIS CANDIDACY
IN THE END, THOUGH.)
In their hostility, however, they integrated their candidacies
all wrong — so wrong that it's no longer even necessary to belabor their
mistakes.
Now that the six-month ordeal of Hillary's march to the
nomination has been essentially decided, she too will enter the mirror stage.
But in terms of her presentation of principle and politesse, the problem she
faces is like that faced by Trump's opponents in the Republican primary.
Consider the catalogue of Hillary's shifting provided by
the Wall Street Journal:
"On a swath of domestic issues," the Journal reports, "dragged along by a rapidly changing party and a surprisingly tough primary opponent in Sen. Bernie Sanders, Mrs. Clinton has moved to the left, sometimes reversing her positions and in other cases changing her tone in significant ways." She shifted to supporting gay marriage, to opposing the Iraq War retroactively, to doubting charter schools, to opposing '90s-era Clinton policies on crime, to opposing the Keystone XL pipeline, to opposing the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
Accurate analysis of the Trump campaign cannot begin
without noting this difference in Trump's candidacy. He reconfigures the usual
relationship between seriousness and flippancy as the Beltway class expect
those qualities to be configured.
Last summer's "exposés" of Trump's
flip-flopping show how badly political analysis can go astray when such simple
elements of a candidate's approach are missed. In an article last July on
"The many ways in which Donald Trump was once a liberal's liberal,"
the Washington Post dutifully chronicled Trump's changing positions on
abortion, guns, health care, Hillary Clinton, party affiliation, Jeb Bush — and,
what the media really care about, press availability.
CBS News published a similar list, noting also Trump's
shifts on drug policy.
Politico did the same.
Max Boot did it.
Everyone did. Attacks on Trump's inconsistency on
establishment-preferred issues was the name of the game all last summer.
Nowhere in the Post's report or CBS's was any discussion
of Trump's positions on the Agenda of American Greatness which ultimately
propelled his candidacy: an American interests–based foreign policy, an
American interests–based international commercial policy and a reworking of
American policy toward China. That agenda was already the core of Trump's
political position in 1988 and 1990.
* GO, TRUMP, GO!
Trump has been consistently "boorish" on the
secondary matters of personal interaction and campaign style — using insult
widely, indulging the temptations of vanity, and eschewing usual requirements
of media politesse. This Journal holds no brief for those aspects of the Trump
campaign, nor for anything other than the Agenda of American Greatness as we
have outlined it. The point is not that Trump was consistent on some issues and
inconsistent on others. Rather, the jarred reaction to Trump and the desire to
identify his minor policy shifts as major problems stems from the different
affect created by his seriousness about American greatness and his pragmatic
attitude toward everything else.
* YEP! BINGO! THEY JUST COULDN'T KEEP THEIR EYE ON THE
BALL; COULDN'T SEE THE FOREST FOR THE TREES.
That particular seriousness is something the managerial
elite cannot understand. Changing positions on political issues does not bother
them, and so they have chronicled Hillary's shifting positions unconcernedly,
while only the right-wing talk show circuit gets upset by those changes.
They tolerate Hillary's policy shifts because she is "serious"
in her career - long deference to the minimal requirements of official public
life. She would never have refused to give the usual speeches before the usual
corporations seeking to curry the usual (off-the-books) favor. Hillary Rodham
Clinton is unconventional only in the transparency of her conventionality.
Being serious about an actual polity with citizens who really want jobs and
some sense of American pride — that makes no sense at all.
* NOT TO HER. NOT TO THE MSM. NOT TO MODERN DAY AMERICA'S
BIPARTISAN ESTABLISHMENT "MOVERS AND SHAKERS."
(*SIGH*)
Nothing else can explain why a vain billionaire from New
York enthralled crowds across the forgotten parts of post-industrial America.
Yet here we are.
Trump may be vain, but he is not supercilious. The hour
is not too late for Republican pundits and intellectuals to short-circuit the
mirror stage and escape the Lacanian dialectic. All they have to do is step out
of it. They are adults, after all.
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